Nakba

Mula sa Wikipedia, ang malayang ensiklopedya

Ang Nakba (Arabe: النكبة‎, lit. dakilang sakuna) ay ang marahas na pagpapalayas at pagpapaalis sa mga Palestino, at ang pagkasira ng kanilang lipunan, kultura, pagkakakilanlan, karapatang pampolitika, at pambansang adhikain.[1] Ang termino ay ginagamit upang ilarawan ang parehong mga pangyayari ng 1948, pati na rin ang patuloy na pagsakop sa mga teritoryong Palestino (ang Kanlurang Pampang at ang Piraso ng Gaza) at pag-uusig at paglilipat ng mga Palestino sa buong rehiyon.[2]

Ang mga pangunahing pangyayari ng Nakba ay nangyari sa panahon at sa ilang sandali pagkatapos ng Digmaang Palestino ng 1948, kabilang ang 78% ng Mandato ng Palestina na idineklara bilang Israel, ang pagpapatalsik at paglikas ng 700,000 Palestino, ang nauugnay na pagbawas ng populasyon at pagkawasak ng mahigit 500 Palestinong pamayanan ng mga Sionistang milista at kalaunan ay ang hukbong Israeli[3] at ang kasunod na heograpikong pagbubura, ang pagtanggi sa karapatan ng pagbabalik ng mga Palestino, ang paglikha ng mga permanenteng Palestinong lumikas, at ang "pagkasira ng lipunang Palestino".[4]

Ang Nakba ay inilarawan ng ilang mga iskolar kabilang si Ilan Pappe bilang etnikong pagwawalis,[5] ngunit ang paglalarawang ito ay pinagtatalunan ni Benny Morris.[6] Itinuturing ng Palestinong pambansang salaysay ang Nakba bilang isang kolektibong trauma na tumutukoy sa kanilang pambansang pagkakakilanlan at mga adhikain sa politika, samantalang ang Israeling pambansang salaysay ay tumitingin sa parehong mga pangyayari sa mga tuntunin ng digmaan ng kasarinlan na nagtatag ng mga hangarin ng Hudyo para sa estado at soberaniya.[7][8][9] Minarkahan ng mga Palestino ang Mayo 15 bilang Araw ng Nakba, ang araw pagkatapos ng araw ng kalayaan ng Israel.[10][11]

Ang Nakba ay lubos na nakaimpluwensiya sa kulturang Palestino at isang pundasyong simbolo ng pagkakakilanlang Palestino, kasama ang "Handala", ang keffiyeh, at ang simbolikong susi. Hindi mabilang na mga libro, kanta, at tula ang naisulat tungkol sa Nakba.[12] Inilarawan ng Palestinong makata na si Mahmoud Darwish ang Nakba bilang "isang pinahabang kasalukuyan na nangangakong magpapatuloy sa hinaharap."[13]

Kasaysayan[baguhin | baguhin ang wikitext]

1948 at bago pa man[baguhin | baguhin ang wikitext]

Ang mga ugat ng Nakba ay natunton sa pagdating ng mgaSionista at sa kanilang pagbili ng lupa sa Otomanong Palestina noong huling bahagi ng ika-19 na siglo.[14] Ang mga Britaniko ay humalili sa mga Otomano pagkatapos ng paghahati sa Imperyong Otomano bilang mga pinuno ng Mandato ng Palestina.[15] Noong 1947, pagkatapos ng Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig at Holokausto, hinati ng mga Nagkakaisang Bansa ang Mandato ng Palestina, na humahantong sa Digmaang Palestina ng 1948 at ang paglikha ng Estado ng Israel.[16]

Ang mga pangunahing katotohanan ng Nakba noong 1948 ay hindi pinagtatalunan.[17] Sa panahon ng pagpapatalsik at pagpapalikas sa Palestino noong 1948, humigit-kumulang 750,000 Palestinong Arabe—higit sa 80% ng populasyon sa kung ano ang magiging Israel—ay pinaalis o tumakas mula sa kanilang mga tahanan at naging mga lumikas sa mga kalapit na estado.[18] Ang mga lungsod, bayan, at nayon ay nawasak o nawalan ng populasyon.[19] Sa pagtatapos ng digmaan noong 1949, hawak ng Israel ang halos 78% ng lupain ng Palestina.[20] Humigit-kumulang 156,000 Palestino ang nanatili sa loob ng mga hangganan ng Israel, marami ang naging mga taong panloobang nailipat.[21] Ang Piraso ng Gaza ay sumailalim sa kontrol ng Ehipto,[22] at noong 1950, ang Kanlurang Pampang ay isinanib ng Jordan.[23]

Mga sanggunian[baguhin | baguhin ang wikitext]

  1. Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022; Manna 2022; Khalidi 2020; Shenhav 2019; Bashir & Goldberg 2018; Nashef 2018; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017; Al-Hardan 2016; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014; Sayigh 2013; Masalha 2012; Lentin 2010; Milshtein 2009; Ram 2009; Webman 2009; Sa'di 2007
  2. Sayigh 2023; Pappe 2021; Khalidi 2020; Shenhav 2019; Bashir & Goldberg 2018; Khoury 2018; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014; Masalha 2012; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007; Jayyusi 2007
  3. Slater 2020.
  4. Masalha 2012, p. 3.
  5. Sabbagh-Khoury 2023; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022; Hasian Jr. 2020; Khalidi 2020; Slater 2020; Shenhav 2019; Bashir & Goldberg 2018; Masalha 2018; Nashef 2018; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017; Al-Hardan 2016; Natour 2016; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012; Khoury 2012; Knopf-Newman 2011; Lentin 2010; Milshtein 2009; Ram 2009; Shlaim 2009; Sa'di 2007; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003
  6. Morris, Benny (2016-10-10). "Israel Conducted No Ethnic Cleansing in 1948". Haaretz. Inarkibo mula sa ang orihinal noong 27 May 2022. Nakuha noong 2023-10-25. I don't accept the definition "ethnic cleansing" for what the Jews in prestate Israel did in 1948. (If you consider Lod and Ramle, maybe we can talk about partial ethnic cleansing. But there was no overall expulsion policy – here they expelled people, there they didn't, and for the most part the Arabs simply fled. It's true that in mid-1948 the new State of Israel adopted a policy of preventing the return of refugees. But I still consider this policy logical and just.)
  7. Golani, Motti; Manna, Adel (2011). Two sides of the coin: independence and Nakba, 1948: two narratives of the 1948 War and its outcome. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. p. 14. ISBN 978-90-8979-080-4. The Palestinians regard the Nakba and its repercussions as a formative trauma defining their identity and their national, moral, and political aspirations. As a result of the 1948 war, the Palestinian people, which to a large degree lost their country to the establishment of a Jewish state for the survivors of the Holocaust, developed a victimized national identity. From their perspective, the Palestinians have been forced to pay for the Jewish Holocaust with their bodies, their property, and their freedom instead of those who were truly responsible. Jewish Israelis, in contrast, see the war and its outcome not merely as an act of historical justice that changed the historical course of the Jewish people, which until that point had been filled with suffering and hardship, but also as a birth – the birth of Israel as an independent Jewish state after two thousand years of exile. As such, it must be pure and untainted, because if a person, a nation, or a state is born in sin, its entire essence is tainted. In this sense, discourse on the war is not at all historical but rather current and extremely sensitive. Its power and intensity is directly influenced by present day events. In the Israeli and the Palestinian cases, therefore, the 1948 war plays a pivotal role in two simple, clear, unequivocal, and harmonious narratives, with both peoples continuing to see the war as a formative event in their respective histories.
  8. Mori 2009.
  9. Partner, Nancy (2008). "The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict". New Literary History. 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118.
  10. Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). "MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Inarkibo mula sa orihinal noong 5 March 2022. Nakuha noong 7 April 2021. We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem.
  11. Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). "An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Inarkibo mula sa orihinal noong 15 May 2021. Nakuha noong 15 May 2021.
  12. Masalha 2012.
  13. Darwish 2001.
  14. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 2 and 7; Khoury 2018, pp. xi-xiii and xv; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 423; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 8; Manna 2013, p. 89; Masalha 2012, pp. 44, 70, and 168; Wolfe 2012, p. 134; Sa'di 2007, pp. 287-290.
  15. Sayigh 2023; Manna 2013; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012.
  16. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 16; Manna 2013, p. 90; Masalha 2012, pp. 67-68, 150, 194; Sa'di 2007, pp. 290-292.
  17. Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "In light of the ever-growing historiography, serious scholarship has left little debate about what happened in 1948."; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "What happened is, of course, now well known."; Slater 2020, p. 406 n.44, "There is no serious dispute among Israeli, Palestinian, or other historians about the central facts of the Nakba."; Khoury 2012, p. 258, "The realities of the nakba as an ethnic cleansing can no more be neglected or negated after the works of the Palestinian historian Walid Al Khalidy and the works of the Israeli New Historians. The ethnic cleansing as incarnated by Plan Dalet is no longer a matter of debate among historians, even when the new Zionist historians in Israel justify it as indispensable ... The facts about 1948 are no longer contested, but the meaning of what happened is still a big question."; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "The bare statistics of the Nakba are well enough established."; Sa'di 2007, p. 294, "Today, there is little or no academic controversy about the basic course of events that led to the Zionist victory and the almost complete destruction of Palestinian society."
  18. Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent"; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ..."; Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000") and 83 ("over 80 percent"); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000"; Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees."); Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"
  19. Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "emptying Palestinian towns and villages"; Manna 2022, p. 17, "Palestinian cities of Haifa, Jaffa, Safad, and Tiberias were depopulated"; Khalidi 2020, p. 73, "conquest and depopulation ... of scores of Arab cities, towns, and villages"; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "abolition of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1, "destruction of hundreds of villages and urban neighborhoods ... evacuation of villages"; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 400, "Palestinian cities whose inhabitants were almost completely forced out ... hundreds of evacuated and destroyed towns"; Manna 2013, p. 91, "destruction of their homes, villages and towns"; Khoury 2012, p. 259, "destroyed Arab villages ... They also lost their cities. The three major coastal cities—Jaffa, Haifa, and Aka—were occupied and their citizens evacuated."; Masalha 2012, pp. 7 ("coastal cities of Palestine — Jaffa, Haifa and Acre — were largely depopulated"), 74 ("hundreds of villages had been completely depopulated and their houses blown up or bulldozed ... Walid Khalidi details the destruction of 418 villages falling inside the 1949 armistice lines"), 90-91 ("Of the 418 depopulated villages documented by Khalidi, 293 (70 per cent) were totally destroyed and 90 (22 per cent) were largely destroyed."), 107 ("nearly 500 destroyed and depopulated villages"), and 115 ("towns and villages of southern Palestine, including the cities of Beer Sheba and al-Majdal, were completely depopulated"); Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1, "According to official Israeli estimates, over 85% of Palestinian villages were ‘abandoned’ in the Nakba, 218 villages being listed as destroyed."; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, " Most of their villages, towns, and neighborhoods were destroyed or repopulated by Jewish residents ..."; Sa'di 2007, pp. 293-294 ("occupation of cities and the expulsion of their inhabitants") and 297 ("destruction of some 420 Palestinian towns and villages")
  20. Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "78 percent"; Shenhav 2019, p. 50, "over 80 percent"; Manna 2013, p. 91, "about 78%"; Masalha 2012, p. 68, "78 per cent"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "77%"; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3, "more than 77 percent"; [[#CITEREF|]].
  21. Manna 2022, p. 7, "The consensus among studies that trace the history of this Arab minority in the Jewish state is that those who remained totaled 156,000."; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "160,000"; Slater 2020, p. 81, " about 150,000 to 160,000"; Masalha 2012, pp. 5-6, "160,000"; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3, "from 60,000 to 156,000, depending on the sources"
  22. Sayigh 2023, p. 283; Manna 2013, pp. 91-92; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3.
  23. Manna 2013, p. 91; Masalha 2012, pp. 6-7; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3.